Reader question: exorcisms?

Exorcisms have a long and varied history, and the best known version of it is the 'Major Exorcism' as performed by a Catholic priest. This rite is recorded in the Rituale Romanum which seems to date from around 1600 AD. How old the ritual itself is, I am not sure, but the concept of possession is most certainly ancient. The idea of the Major Exorcism is to establish that a demon has taken possession of a person--which should be measurable by certain signs like speaking in tongues and convulsing--and then to drive out the possessor by reciting ritual texts and presenting the creature with holy iconography. I was asked if there was something like an exorcism in Hellenismos.

The question makes a few assumptions that need to be addressed before answering your question:

1. Did the ancient Hellenes believe in possession?
2. Did they believe it was a bad thing?
3. Did the ancient Hellenes believe creatures which classically possess humans and/or animals existed?
4. Did they believe these creatures would, indeed, possess humans and/or animals?
5. Was it possible to cast out these creatures through religious (or even secular) rites?

The short answer to the first question is yes, they did. Certain Gods--especially wilder Gods like Dionysos and Pan were said to influence their followers in such a way that they became unaware of their surroundings and actions. The Maenads--followers of Dionysos, often female--in mythology at least are often portrayed as tearing people apart in their fit of madness and to see things while doing so. Most often, this is the way they are tricked into committing these acts. Almost always, they are inspired to do so by Dionysos Himself. The longer answer is a debate on if this constitutes possession as laid out by the Roman Catholic church. In the Rituale Romanum, the signs of possession are described as follows:

"[The] ability to speak with some facility in a strange tongue or to understand it when spoken by another; the faculty of divulging future and hidden events; display of powers which are beyond the subject's age and natural condition; and various other indications which, when taken together as a whole, build up the evidence."

As you can see, it leave a lot of room for interpretation. While the actions of the Maenads might fit part of the bill, it is more interesting to look at oracles as subjects of possession, as they tended to speak in tongues or riddles, divulge hidden events, and would often show physical signs of not being in control of their bodies. The oracle at Delphi is a classic example, and indeed, the ancient Hellenes believed the oracle possessed--not by an evil entity, but by a God; in this case, Apollon (for the majority of history anyway).

As such, I don't believe possession in these forms was considered a bad thing; it was the way the Theoi spoke to or through their followers, and in general, it was a much sought-out and desired skill of both mystery cults and divination.

Classical creatures who possess people according to the church are mostly demons, malevolent beings sent by the Devil or acting on their own accord. In general, their only goal is to bring pain and suffering to humanity. The word 'demon' comes from the ancient Greek root 'δαίμων'--'daímōn'. Hesiod gives us our first glimpse into daímōns as he writes about the five Ages of Man in 'Works and Days'. He gives us the following references:

"First of all the deathless gods who dwell on Olympus made a golden race of mortal men who lived in the time of Kronos when he was reigning in heaven. [...] But after earth had covered this generation -- they are called pure spirits dwelling on the earth, and are kindly, delivering from harm, and guardians of mortal men; for they roam everywhere over the earth, clothed in mist and keep watch on judgments and cruel deeds, givers of wealth; for this royal right also they received.

[...] then they who dwell on Olympus made a second generation which was of silver and less noble by far. It was like the golden race neither in body nor in spirit. [...] But when earth had covered this generation also -- they are called blessed spirits of the underworld by men, and, though they are of second order, yet honour attends them also." [ll. 109-120]

Hesiod's Ages speak of only one race who became daímōns; those of the Golden Age, yet those of the Silver and Heroic Age also received many honors after their passing, and they were held in high regard. Hesiod makes clear distinction between the Theoi and daímōns: the Theoi are Gods, daímōns are members of the Gold Age who gained immortality. This differentiation is much less pronounced in the writings of Hómēros, where God and daímōn are used virtually interchangeably.

This difference led to a misinterpretation of the nature of the race of the Silver Age: they became dangerous daímōns in the eyes of later writers (like Plato), and eventually the demons of Christianity. Yet, neither Hómēros or Hesiod ever intended them to be so: all daímōns were pure and Deathless; they acted as a policing force for humanity. Especially through Neo-Platonics comes the placement of daímōns between the Theoi and mankind. They are less powerful than the Theoi, with lesser domains; more concerned with the daily happenings of life than the Theoi are, but they, too, are immortal, and deserve honors. Daímōns fulfill an important role in mythology and life: all aspects of life can be overseen by Deathless beings, without taking away from--or needlessly adding to--the portfolio of the Gods.

A daímōn could also be a personal guardian spirit or the personification of a person's conscious--or even their muse--this idea seems to be a Neo-Platonic evolution of Hesiod's classical daímōns, popularized by Socrates (and his followers), who described his personal daímōn in his trial. From Plato's 'Apology':

 

"You have often heard me speak of an oracle or sign which comes to me, and is the divinity which Meletus ridicules in the indictment. This sign I have had ever since I was a child. The sign is a voice which comes to me and always forbids me to do something which I am going to do, but never commands me to do anything, and this is what stands in the way of my being a politician."

Daímōns had been separated from their Hesiodic cousins by then, but they were still considered positive forces. The later corruption of the term came from the Christians. The ancient Hellenes did not know demons in the way we know them now; the earliest mention I know of is from the Papyri Graecae Magicae, which also includes an exorcism rite. Note that this document can be dated anywhere from the 2nd century BC to the 5th century AD, and that it was Graeco-Roman/Egyptian in origin. It was a rather obscure document even in its time, but for this search, it might suffice. Note that it is in essence a Christian rite, though, and adresses the Christian God and pantheon.

Now, I would like to focus a moment on 'evil' entities the ancient Hellenes did believe in: ghosts. Ghosts were the people who could not find the entrance to the Underworld or who didn't have the money to pay Kharon for their passage. Those who were not properly buried were also doomed to wander the Earth for a hundred years. Interestingly enough, Hellenic heroes were also considered ghosts and were honored in the same type of rites as other types of ghosts.

The ancient Hellens held festivals in honor of ghosts, and the Theoi that presided over them, so they would be sated and appeased and would not haunt them. Most of these festivals included a holókaustos--a sacrificial offering given in its entirety to the Gods--and were solemn affairs, conducted at night and without an offering of wine.

This fear of spirits and other supernatural entities was named 'deisidaimonia' (δεισιδαιμονία). The ceremonies of riddance were known to the Hellenes as apopompai (ἀποποπμαί), 'sendings away'. There isn't a single word in the English language that conveys the practice. Closest would be, indeed, 'exorcism'.

It is important to note here that these 'exorcisms' weren't performed on people, but on the ghosts themselves and in short, they consisted of rites to ask the Gods (especially Hekate) to keep these unfortunate souls away from their homes and families, because the ghosts could bring misery down upon them. Possession was not part of the fear. Many rites in the ancient Hellenic religion--including monthly ones like the Deipnon--were apotropaic. Many of these rites were also linked to miasma.

Within Hellenic practice, miasma describes the lingering aura of uncleanliness in regards to a person or space through which contact is made with the Gods. Next to piety, being ritually clean is one of the most important things to adhere to within Hellenismos. Severe miasma needs to be cleansed by the Gods, and these rites were apotropaic in nature.

The answer to the question at hand is thus that it depends on the time period and your definition. Strictly speaking, the ancient Hellenes in general did not believe in possession, but did have specific rites to ward off the evil and miasmic. Later on, especially in cult worship, some forms of demon possession became a known issue, but by and large, demon possession did not occur until the Roman empire and the rise of Christianity. Perhaps it was a different understanding of the same thing, but the concept would have been foreign to the ancient Hellenes. By extension, exorcisms were too.

• Monday, August 30, 2021
  ancient Hellenic culture Apollon Christianity Delphi Dionysos Hekate Hekate's Deipnon holókaustos miasma Myth of the Five Ages Pan requested post Roman

On pelanoi, the cakes of the Athenians

Pelanoi were Athenian sacrifical cakes that were often used in the Lesser mysteries and in sacrifices to Zeus. As a true Athenian, local, cake, they were also staples in sacrifices to Athena.

It's described that pelanoi were made from aparche (ἀπαρχὴ), 'first-fruit'.  This was the first and most pristine portion of the harvest. The pelanoi used at the Mysteries were made from wheat flour obtained from the plain of the Rharus, a plain of Attica where corn was first sown by Triptolemos, who is a well known figure in the mythology surrounding the Mysteries.

Mythologically, the foundations of the Eleusinian mysteries can be found in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. Within the hymn, Demeter travels the globe in her grief over losing Her daughter. She eventually settles at the home of Keleus (Κελεός), husband of Metaneira, father of several children, who are called Kallidice, Demo, Kleisidice, Kallithoe, Triptolemos, and Demophon, his youngest son by Metaneira. The daughters of Keleus find a disguised Demeter near a well and bring Her home.

Keleus hires Her to take care of Demophon. He treats her well, with every courtesy, and as a gift to Keleus, because of his hospitality, Demeter plans to make Demophon immortal by burning his mortal spirit away in the family hearth every night. Before she can complete Her work, Metaneira interrupts Her and pulls Demophon from the fire prematurely. This ruins any chance Demophon would have had at immortality. Demeter, after She could no longer take care of Demophon, nor save him from his own mortality, instead taught Triptolemos the secrets of agriculture--a valuable gift, because the art was unknown to mankind until then.

So how does one make a pelanos? Well, we'll never know for sure, I fear, but it seems it was--like all ancient Hellenic 'cakes'--more of a flatbread than a cake as we know it. Even more: it was most likely a cake that was not baked or otherwise subjected to heat. It was, as it is described, a mixture offered to the Gods, of meal, honey, and oil.

Jane Ellen Harrison in 'Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion' describes its as follows:

"You first sprinkle the [wheat] meal on the water, you then stir it, so far you have porridge; if you let it get thicker you must knead it and then you have oat-cake. It has of course frequently been noted that a pelanos may be either fluid or solid, and herein lies the explanation. When the pelanos is thick and subjected to fire, baked, it becomes a pemma, an ordinary cake."

How much water and how much meal was unclear, but I would say the measurements used in the recipe for general honey cakes would suffice as these become solid flat cakes very easily:

- 200 gram flour
- 100 ml water
- 3 tbsp clear honey
- 2 tbsp olive oil

During the ritual, the pelanos is supposed to be sacrificed with the left hand, like all offering to the Khthonic Gods, on an eschára (ἐσχάρα), a low-lying altar to the khthonic deities. This was thus, in general, not a sacrifical pit and it would have held a fire. Like all offerings to the Kthonic deities, the pelanos is given as a holókaustos and is thus given in its entirety. You are not supposed to eat of it. Happy sacrificing!

• Tuesday, April 28, 2020
  ancient Hellenic culture Athena Demeter Eleusinian mysteries Hellenic Reconstruction Hellenismos 101 holókaustos Persephone Zeus

The festivals of early Boedromion

The month of Boedromion is an interesting one. It has barely any large festivals--the huge exception are the Greater Eleusinian Mysteries--but it has a very large number of small sacrifices, minor festivals, and commemorative events. It is a trend that seems to have continued from the previous month where the second half of the month--at least in Erkhia, but also Athens--was dotted with them, far more than is usual in any of the other months. I want to risk a guess on why this is, but more on that later.

Today, I want to have a small discussion about six festivals celebrated the third to the seventh of the month. This post is a repost from last year, as my readers come and go and this information is important to have. The festivals and sacrifices we discuss today were largely celebrated in Athens and Erkhia, but there are clues that at least one of these was a panhellenic event. These festivals and the dates they were celebrated on this month are:

4 - Plataia
4 - Sacrifice to Basile in Erkhia
5 - Genesia
5 - Sacrifice to Epops at Erkhia
6 - Kharisteria
7 - Boedromia

Plataia - The Plataia (or Plataea) seems to have been a commemorative festival, for the Hellenes fallen at the battle of Plataea. The Battle of Plataea was the final land battle during the second Persian invasion of Hellas. It took place in 479 BC near the city of Plataea in Boeotia, and was fought between an alliance of the Greek city-states, including Sparta, Athens, Corinth and Megara, and the Persian Empire of Xerxes I. Some 38,700 Hellenes stood their ground against 300.000 Persians. The Hellenes marched out of the Peloponnesus and the Persians retreated to Boeotia and built a fortified camp near Plataea. The Hellenes surrounded the camp, but refused to enter the bare terrain surrounding the camp. They waited for eleven days, and then found their supplies driddled. They attempted to retreat, and Persian general Mardonius ordered his forces to pursue them. The Hellenes, however--particularly the Spartans, Tegeans and Athenians--stood their ground, and won a great victory over the Perians. The Persian infantry was slaughtered, and Mardonius killed. Plutarch gives the date for the battle to be the fourth of this month, but also attested that the Athenians commemorated the event on the third. In Boeotia (and especially in Plataea), the rememberance seems to have been held on the fourth.

Herodotus, in his Histories (9. 52. 1), and Plutarch, in his 'Life of Arestides' both remark the following about what is most likely this battle:

"The seer slew victim after victim, Pausanias turned his face [historical general of the Persian Wars], all tears, toward the Heraion, and with hands uplifted prayed Kithaironion Hera and the other gods of the Plataian land that, if it was not the lot of the Hellenes to be victorious, they might at least do great deeds before they fell."[Life of Aristides, 18. 1]

As such we can assume that, besides the fallen, a sacrifice to Hera was also made.

Sacrifice to Basile in Erkhia - In the calendar from Erkhia the heroine Basile was given a holókaustos on the 4th of the month of Boedromion. The sacrifice to Basile consisted of a white, female, lamb and was followed by a wineless libation. The colour of the animal is noteworthy, since holókaustoi have commonly been classified as khthonian sacrifices, and it is usually assumed that the victims used in such rituals were black. Basile was also worshipped elsewhere in Attica, but nothing is known of the kind of sacrifices she received at those locations. Basile seems to have been a local heroine. Nothing survives about her deeds, as far as I have been able to find, but she was important enough to warrant her own personal sacrifice--the Erkhian calendar also makes note of collective sacrifices to 'the heroines'.

Genesia - The Genesia seems to have been a festival of the dead--especially of dead parents. It was celebrated on the fifth of the month of Boudromion in Athens, but that is all we know for sure. There is reason to believe that the Genesia was panhellenic--although we do not know if all city-states performed the rites on the same day. We are also unsure if the Genesia was a set day for all children to visit their parents' grave and perform sacrifices there, or if there was a public commemoration of all parents. The day is also sacred to Gaea, who housed the remains of the dead, and brought fertility and wealth to the living.

Sacrifice to Epops at Erkhia - In the calendar from Erkhia, the hero Epops received two holókaustoi on the fifth of Boedromion. The victims of the two holókaustoi to Epops were piglets and the sacrifices were to be followed by wineless libations designated. Sacrifices to Epops are known only from the Erkhia calendar. The mythological context of Epops is not clear, but he was a hero, perhaps linked (by Kallimachos) to the conflict between the city-states Paiania and Erkhia.

Kharisteria - The Kharisteria takes place on the sixth of the month--a day sacred to Artemis. This festival is another commemoration of a battle, in this case, the battle of Marathon which took place in 490 BC. It was also a festival to pay off a debt to the Theoi. During the battle of Marathon, around 11,000 Hellenes stood their ground against a Persian force between 30.000 and 100.000 men. 203 Hellenes fell, opposite 6,400 Persians. That was quite a victory--especially if you consider that the Hellenes were the attacking side. The casualty numbers are known because the Hellenes set up a memorial for their fallen comrades. The Persian dead were counted for a very speciffic reason: the Hellenes had promised to the Theoi a sacrifice of one goat for ever Persian killed. In the end, they discovered they'd killed so many Persians that they couldn't find enough goats. A payment plan of sorts was divised, and over the course of thirteen years, roughly 500 goats per year were sacrificed, a practice that was still performed in Plutarch’s day. Plutarch also confirms that the sacrifice took place at Artemis Agrotera’s sanctuary at Agrai.

Boedromia - The festival that gives its name to the month. It might have been sacred to Apollon, and was thus most likely held on His sacred day--the seventh of the month. The Boedromia might have been another war commemoration. The epithet of Apollon associated with this festival is 'Boedromios', the helper in distress. The origin of the epithet and festival are explained in different ways. According to Plutarch, the name was awarded to Him (and the festival created) because he had assisted the Athenians in the war with the Amazons, who were defeated on the seventh of Boedromion, the day on which the Boedromia were afterwards celebrated. According to others, the name was awarded after the war of Erechtheus and Ion against Eumolpus, because Apollon had advised the Athenians to rush upon the enemy with a war-shout (Boê), if they wanted to win--and they did.

All these sacrifices have a khthonic character--to me, this is not odd, considering the Mysteries would be held only a few days afterwards. It was a time where death and the afterlife were on the mind, and where the dead were honored--because the Mysteries most likely also included appeasement and remembrances of the dead. Also remember the Niketeria, which was celebrated in the beginning of the month as well, and commemorated another battle.

To a modern Hellenist, none of these events--except perhaps the Genesia--relate to our life. These battles were not exactly in our lifetime, nor our country. Still, it is good to honor the dead, and take a moment to remember that the world would have been a very different place if the Persians had been victorious. Would it have been a worse place? That sort of value judgement is best reserved for the philosophers and historians. I am neither. I will give sacrifice to the dead, and to the heroes and heroines, and I will be thankful that my parents are still alive and I do not have reason to celebrate the Genesia. I will, however, mark the day with a sacrifice for the ancestors, in remembrance of a family line I am not exactly proud of, but am grateful for--because without them, I would not have been here.

As you have come to expect of us, Elaion will host PAT rituals for most of these festivals, to be announced in the coming days. We hope you will join them and find your own link to the past.

• Sunday, September 4, 2016
  ancient Hellenic culture Apollon Apollon Boedromion Artemis Artemis Agotera Basile Boedromia Epops Erkhia festivals Gaea Genesia Hera Heroes holókaustos Kharisteria Pausanias Plataia Plutarch Temples

On pelanoi, the cakes of the Athenians

Today's rite for the Lesser Mysteries asks for the sacrifice of one or more pelanos; pelanoi. I would like to take a moment to describe what they are. Pelanoi were Athenian sacrifical cakes that were often used in the Lesser mysteries and in sacrifices to Zeus. As a true Athenian, local, cake, they were also staples in sacrifices to Athena.

It's described that pelanoi were made from aparche (ἀπαρχὴ), 'first-fruit'.  This was the first and most pristine portion of the harvest. The pelanoi used at the Mysteries were made from wheat flour obtained from the plain of the Rharus, a plain of Attica where corn was first sown by Triptolemos, who is a well known figure in the mythology surrounding the Mysteries.

Mythologically, the foundations of the Eleusinian mysteries can be found in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. Within the hymn, Demeter travels the globe in her grief over losing Her daughter. She eventually settles at the home of Keleus (Κελεός), husband of Metaneira, father of several children, who are called Kallidice, Demo, Kleisidice, Kallithoe, Triptolemos, and Demophon, his youngest son by Metaneira. The daughters of Keleus find a disguised Demeter near a well and bring Her home.

Keleus hires Her to take care of Demophon. He treats her well, with every courtesy, and as a gift to Keleus, because of his hospitality, Demeter plans to make Demophon immortal by burning his mortal spirit away in the family hearth every night. Before she can complete Her work, Metaneira interrupts Her and pulls Demophon from the fire prematurely. This ruins any chance Demophon would have had at immortality. Demeter, after She could no longer take care of Demophon, nor save him from his own mortality, instead taught Triptolemos the secrets of agriculture--a valuable gift, because the art was unknown to mankind until then.

So how does one make a pelanos? Well, we'll never know for sure, I fear, but it seems it was--like all ancient Hellenic 'cakes'--more of a flatbread than a cake as we know it. Even more: it was most likely a cake that was not baked or otherwise subjected to heat. It was, as it is described, a mixture offered to the Gods, of meal, honey, and oil.

Jane Ellen Harrison in 'Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion' describes its as follows:

"You first sprinkle the [wheat] meal on the water, you then stir it, so far you have porridge; if you let it get thicker you must knead it and then you have oat-cake. It has of course frequently been noted that a pelanos may be either fluid or solid, and herein lies the explanation. When the pelanos is thick and subjected to fire, baked, it becomes a pemma, an ordinary cake."

How much water and how much meal was unclear, but I would say the measurements used in the recipe for general honey cakes would suffice as these become solid flat cakes very easily:

- 200 gram flour
- 100 ml water
- 3 tbsp clear honey
- 2 tbsp olive oil

During the ritual, the pelanos is supposed to be sacrificed with the left hand, like all offering to the Khthonic Gods, on an eschára (ἐσχάρα), a low-lying altar to the khthonic deities. This was thus, in general, not a sacrifical pit and it would have held a fire. Like all offerings to the Kthonic deities, the pelanos is given as a holókaustos and is thus given in its entirety. You are not suppoed to eat of it. Happy sacrificing!

• Wednesday, March 2, 2016
  ancient Hellenic culture Athena Demeter Eleusinian mysteries Hellenic Reconstruction Hellenismos 101 holókaustos Persephone Zeus

Reader question: exorcisms?

The best thing about being in the public's eye is the questions you get from students of Hellenismos. Even if it's something I have no experience with or knowledge about, it's very interesting to puzzle together answers. Take this one; Martin from Puerto Rico sent me an e-mail concerning exorcisms. He writes (in part):

"[A] friend of mine was talking about exorcism and knowing I follow the Greek religion he ask me if we had something like Christian exorcism. Is there?"

Exorcisms have a long and varied history, and the best known version of it is the 'Major Exorcism' as performed by a Catholic priest. This rite is recorded in the Rituale Romanum which seems to date from around 1600 AD. How old the ritual itself is, I am not sure, but the concept of possession is most certainly ancient. The idea of the Major Exorcism is to establish that a demon has taken possession of a person--which should be measurable by certain signs like speaking in tongues and convulsing--and then to drive out the possessor by reciting ritual texts and presenting the creature with holy iconography.

The question makes a few assumptions that need to be addressed before answering your question:

1. Did the ancient Hellenes believe in possession?
2. Did they believe it was a bad thing?
3. Did the ancient Hellenes believe creatures which classically possess humans and/or animals existed?
4. Did they believe these creatures would, indeed, possess humans and/or animals?
5. Was it possible to cast out these creatures through religious (or even secular) rites?

The short answer to the first question is yes, they did. Certain Gods--especially wilder Gods like Dionysos and Pan were said to influence their followers in such a way that they became unaware of their surroundings and actions. The Maenads--followers of Dionysos, often female--in mythology at least are often portrayed as tearing people apart in their fit of madness and to see things while doing so. Most often, this is the way they are tricked into committing these acts. Almost always, they are inspired to do so by Dionysos Himself. The longer answer is a debate on if this constitutes possession as laid out by the Roman Catholic church. In the Rituale Romanum, the signs of possession are described as follows:

"[The] ability to speak with some facility in a strange tongue or to understand it when spoken by another; the faculty of divulging future and hidden events; display of powers which are beyond the subject's age and natural condition; and various other indications which, when taken together as a whole, build up the evidence."

As you can see, it leave a lot of room for interpretation. While the actions of the Maenads might fit part of the bill, it is more interesting to look at oracles as subjects of possession, as they tended to speak in tongues or riddles, divulge hidden events, and would often show physical signs of not being in control of their bodies. The oracle at Delphi is a classic example, and indeed, the ancient Hellenes believed the oracle possessed--not by an evil entity, but by a God; in this case, Apollon (for the majority of history anyway).

As such, I don't believe possession in these forms was considered a bad thing; it was the way the Theoi spoke to or through their followers, and in general, it was a much sought-out and desired skill of both mystery cults and divination.

Classical creatures who possess people according to the church are mostly demons, malevolent beings sent by the Devil or acting on their own accord. In general, their only goal is to bring pain and suffering to humanity. The word 'demon' comes from the ancient Greek root 'δαίμων'--'daímōn'. Hesiod gives us our first glimpse into daímōns as he writes about the five Ages of Man in 'Works and Days'. He gives us the following references:

"First of all the deathless gods who dwell on Olympus made a golden race of mortal men who lived in the time of Kronos when he was reigning in heaven. [...] But after earth had covered this generation -- they are called pure spirits dwelling on the earth, and are kindly, delivering from harm, and guardians of mortal men; for they roam everywhere over the earth, clothed in mist and keep watch on judgments and cruel deeds, givers of wealth; for this royal right also they received.

[...] then they who dwell on Olympus made a second generation which was of silver and less noble by far. It was like the golden race neither in body nor in spirit. [...] But when earth had covered this generation also -- they are called blessed spirits of the underworld by men, and, though they are of second order, yet honour attends them also." [ll. 109-120]

Hesiod's Ages speak of only one race who became daímōns; those of the Golden Age, yet those of the Silver and Heroic Age also received many honors after their passing, and they were held in high regard. Hesiod makes clear distinction between the Theoi and daímōns: the Theoi are Gods, daímōns are members of the Gold Age who gained immortality. This differentiation is much less pronounced in the writings of Hómēros, where God and daímōn are used virtually interchangeably.

This difference led to a misinterpretation of the nature of the race of the Silver Age: they became dangerous daímōns in the eyes of later writers (like Plato), and eventually the demons of Christianity. Yet, neither Hómēros or Hesiod ever intended them to be so: all daímōns were pure and Deathless; they acted as a policing force for humanity. Especially through Neo-Platonics comes the placement of daímōns between the Theoi and mankind. They are less powerful than the Theoi, with lesser domains; more concerned with the daily happenings of life than the Theoi are, but they, too, are immortal, and deserve honors. Daímōns fulfill an important role in mythology and life: all aspects of life can be overseen by Deathless beings, without taking away from--or needlessly adding to--the portfolio of the Gods.

A daímōn could also be a personal guardian spirit or the personification of a person's conscious--or even their muse--this idea seems to be a Neo-Platonic evolution of Hesiod's classical daímōns, popularized by Socrates (and his followers), who described his personal daímōn in his trial. From Plato's 'Apology':

 

"You have often heard me speak of an oracle or sign which comes to me, and is the divinity which Meletus ridicules in the indictment. This sign I have had ever since I was a child. The sign is a voice which comes to me and always forbids me to do something which I am going to do, but never commands me to do anything, and this is what stands in the way of my being a politician."

Daímōns had been separated from their Hesiodic cousins by then, but they were still considered positive forces. The later corruption of the term came from the Christians. The ancient Hellenes did not know demons in the way we know them now; the earliest mention I know of is from the Papyri Graecae Magicae, which also includes an exorcism rite. Note that this document can be dated anywhere from the 2nd century BC to the 5th century AD, and that it was Graeco-Roman/Egyptian in origin. It was a rather obscure document even in its time, but for this search, it might suffice. Note that it is in essence a Christian rite, though, and adresses the Christian God and pantheon.

Now, I would like to focus a moment on 'evil' entities the ancient Hellenes did believe in: ghosts. Ghosts were the people who could not find the entrance to the Underworld or who didn't have the money to pay Kharon for their passage. Those who were not properly buried were also doomed to wander the Earth for a hundred years. Interestingly enough, Hellenic heroes were also considered ghosts and were honored in the same type of rites as other types of ghosts.

The ancient Hellens held festivals in honor of ghosts, and the Theoi that presided over them, so they would be sated and appeased and would not haunt them. Most of these festivals included a holókaustos--a sacrificial offering given in its entirety to the Gods--and were solemn affairs, conducted at night and without an offering of wine.

This fear of spirits and other supernatural entities was named 'deisidaimonia' (δεισιδαιμονία). The ceremonies of riddance were known to the Hellenes as apopompai (ἀποποπμαί), 'sendings away'. There isn't a single word in the English language that conveys the practice. Closest would be, indeed, 'exorcism'.

It is important to note here that these 'exorcisms' weren't performed on people, but on the ghosts themselves and in short, they consisted of rites to ask the Gods (especially Hekate) to keep these unfortunate souls away from their homes and families, because the ghosts could bring misery down upon them. Possession was not part of the fear. Many rites in the ancient Hellenic religion--including monthly ones like the Deipnon--were apotropaic. Many of these rites were also linked to miasma.

Within Hellenic practice, miasma describes the lingering aura of uncleanliness in regards to a person or space through which contact is made with the Gods. Next to piety, being ritually clean is one of the most important things to adhere to within Hellenismos. Severe miasma needs to be cleansed by the Gods, and these rites were apotropaic in nature.

The answer to the question at hand is thus that it depends on the time period and your definition. Strictly speaking, the ancient Hellenes in general did not believe in possession, but did have specific rites to ward off the evil and miasmic. Later on, especially in cult worship, some forms of demon possession became a known issue, but by and large, demon possession did not occur until the Roman empire and the rise of Christianity. Perhaps it was a different understanding of the same thing, but the concept would have been foreign to the ancient Hellenes. By extension, exorcisms were too.

If you have a question you would like to ask, you can always contact me through Facebook or e-mail at baring.the.aegis at gmail dot com. I greatly enjoy answering questions so don't hesitate if you are struggling with something.

• Sunday, October 27, 2013
  ancient Hellenic culture Apollon Christianity Delphi Dionysos Hekate Hekate's Deipnon holókaustos miasma Myth of the Five Ages Pan requested post Roman

On heroes and heroines

Yesterday, I offered libations and a pancarpia of dried fruits to the heroines, as done at ancient Erchia on this date. The ancient Erchians did this twice a year, once on the 19th of Metageitnion, and once on the 14th of Pyanepsion. Certain heroines--like Basile--were worshipped separately from the group as well, most likely because they were local heroines instead of universally accepted heroines like Atalanta, who hunted the Calydonian boar, slew Centaurs, defeated Peleus in wrestling, or Kallisto, who was an Arcadian princess and hunting companion of the Goddess Artemis. The Heroines recieved a white sheep in sacrifice, of which the meat was partly sacrificed and partly eaten by those who came out to sacrifice. the offering was to remain on the altar for an extended period of time and not to be cleaned off. The skin of the animal went towards the priestess.

Heroes and heroines have a special place in Hellenismos, as they had in ancient Hellas. These were humans--most with at least a part divine heritage--who were considered so brave, so skillful, so extraordinary in their lifetime that they became revered. Some were priests or priestesses of a temple, some excelled in battle, others were skilled healers or good rulers. Once they passed to the realm of Hades, their names were remembered at least once a year on a special ocassion, because the ancient Hellenes believed that if the name and deeds of a person were remembered, they would live forever and potentially look out for those they had looked out for before.

Although linked, hero worship in ancient Hellas was not the same as ancestoral worship; heroes and heroines transcended family bonds--although being related to a hero was most certainly something to boast about. Ask the Athenians.

Archeological evidence suggests that hero worship was closer to Khthonic sacrifices in execution than Ouranic ones the further back in time you go; especially in the archaic period, it seems that hero worship consisted of destructive sacrifices--sometimes in the form of a holókaustos where the entire animal was burned, sometimes in a sacrifice where only a part (most often 'a ninth' of the animal) was burned and the rest remained on the altar for the heroes to eat from until gone. The scrifices were generally burned in an offering pit known as a bothros. The food offered to heroes consisted of meat, blood, and 'food eaten by men' like grains, fruits and other every-day dishes. These were usually offered to the heroes on a table--known as a trapeza--and the heroes were sometimes offered chairs or a bench to sit on. As time went on, the living began to eat part of the meal laid out for the heroes, joining them in celebration.

Hero worship is a hot issue these days; not so much in the Hellenistic community, but more so in the general Pagan one. It reeks of Christianity, I fear, where a mortal man became holy. Heroes and heroines, however, were never revered. They were part of the tapestry of life: ideals to live up to, reminders of hard times in the past; some were their time's Matthew Shepard and stood as reminders against hate. Others were remembered for contributions to society, or for a whole scope of other reasons that made their lives important enough to remember.

We tend to forget about heroes, but unlike Gods, new heroes and heroines arise every day. I'm not just talking about people like Martin Luther King and Malala Yousafzai but people in your own life and your own community. The founder of the food program for the poor in your neighboorhood, the guy who stopped a robbery, the woman who saved a child from drowning. These are events that change lives and communities and while I am vehemently against adding Gods to the pantheon, I feel we must add heroes to it whenever we can. There is a lot of pain and suffering in the world; anyone who stands up against that, who goes out and does something extraordinary, needs to be honored and thanked, both when they are alive and after they have passed. There are people who change our lives and communities--we all know them. Remember and honor them every once in a while, for their actions, for what they taught you, and for what they have inspired to bring into the world.

• Sunday, October 20, 2013
  ancient Hellenic culture Hellenismos 101 Heroes holókaustos Paganism

Reader question: holókautein versus thyesthai

Yesterday I got an interesting question from a reader named Wendy, who has allowed me to print part of her e-mail and my response to her so as to accomodate others who might be struggling with this question. It went as follows:

"Hi Elani, I read your blog a lot and saw that you wrote that sometimes sacrifices were burned fully, and sometimes they were only partly sacrificed and partly eaten. I think the difference is in who the sacrifice is to, but I have trouble deciding who should get what type of offering. Is there a list or something I can use? Thanks! Wendy."

Some definitions first: worship in ancient Hellas typically consisted of sacrificing at the altar with hymn and prayer. Holokautein (ὁλοκαυτεῖν) were sacrifices in which the sacrifice--domestic animal, fruits, cakes, wine, etc.--was utterly destroyed and burnt up, as opposed to thyesthai (θύεσθαι), in which the sacrifice was shared with the Gods in question and one's fellow worshippers. In the case of a latter animal sacrifice, the edible parts of the sacrificed animal were roasted or boiled and distributed for festive celebration, whereas the inedible parts were burned or placed on the altar, those being the Gods' share.

Let me now say that there is no list; well, I could probably make one but that would be highly impracticle and I would most likely forget two thirds of divinities and others who recieve(d) sacrifice. I can make a general working formula for you though: Ouranic deities (so any deity (!) who lives on the Earth, on Olympos, or in the sea) were honored with thyesthai. The Khthonic, or Underworld, deities, malign deities, heroes, the dead, ghosts and nymphs and their ilk recieved holókautein.

This distinction is very black and white, but there were variations, especially between city-states, but sometimes even within a single city-state. Context was important, but as a working model, the distinction above is useful. So, why this divide?

Sacrifices to the Ouranic deities were given to establish kharis: the act of giving to the Gods so They might give something in return. It's religious reciprocity. It is important to realize that even a sacrifice where the worshippers share in the sacrifice is essentially a holókaustos: the entire sacrifice is given to the Gods in question, but as part of kharis, the Gods do not take all of it, but give part of it back to Their worshippers to sustain them and reward them for their worship. So the entire sacrifice is property of the Gods as soon as it is dedicated to Them (a procession to the altar is sufficient for that, but hymns and prayers aid this proccess), but They share it with us. This way, kharis is established right away: I give to You, You give to me, and so we sustain and honor each other.

For holókautein, I am going to disregard the nymphs for a bit and come back to them later. Kharis need not be established with Khthonic deities: for us humans, we will go to the Underworld regardless of good standing. As with Ouranic sacrifices, the entire sacrifice belongs to the intended force as soon as it is dedicated to them, be it Underworld Gods, or the dead in any form (heroes, after all, are dead as well). As humans, we try not to get in contact with the Underworld, as it brings miasma with it: miasma describes the lingering aura of uncleanliness in regards to a person or space through which contact is made with the Gods. Miasma occurs whenever the space or person comes into contact with death, sickness, birth, sex, excessive negative emotions and bodily fluids. It also comes from a lack of contact with the Hellenic Gods. Not the actual acts of dying, sex and birth cause miasma but the opening up of the way to the Underworld (with births and deaths) as well as contact with sweat, blood, semen, menstrual blood and urine pollutes us.

If we were to partake from food that belongs to the Underworld (because we gave it to its deities), we would take something of the underworld inside of us, and as the myth of Persephone clearly states, this means you would become part of the Underworld itself. In my opinion, this is the main reason why we give holókautein to the Underworld deities and the dead.

As for the nymphs: they are a story unto themselves. We have very little factual information on the worship of nymphs. We know it took place, we know they receive libations (mostly of honey and water), and we know they had sactuaries which were sometimes tended to full time by self-appointed priests. There are, however, many forms of the nature spirits we call nymphs. Some are Ouranic in character, some Khthonic, so it varies what kind of sacrifice they got and get. Even more so, some source material (including Oedipus at Colonus by Sophocles) features libations of water and honey to non-specified nymphs, but which seem to have an Ouranic character. As such, I tend to give holocaustal sacrifices to the nymphs, just to be on the safe side.

I hope this generalized list helps in deciding how to sacrifice to which force and furthers your understanding of ancient Hellenic sacrificial practices. If you have a question you would like to ask, you can always contact me through Facebook or e-mail at baring.the.aegis at gmail dot com. I greatly enjoy answering questions so don't hesitate if you are struggling with something.

• Monday, September 23, 2013
  ancient Hellenic culture animals death Hellenismos 101 holókaustos kharis miasma Mythology 101 Nymphs Ouranic Persephone requested post sacrifice Sophocles

The festivals of early Boedromion

The month of Boedromion is an interesting one. It has barely any large festivals--the huge exception are the Greater Eleusinian Mysteries--but it has a very large number of small sacrifices, minor festivals, and commemorative events. It is a trend that seems to have continued from the previous month where the second half of the month--at least in Erchia, but also Athens--was dotted with them, far more than is usual in any of the other months. I want to risk a guess on why this is, but more on that later.

Today, I want to have a small discussion about six festivals celebrated the third to the seventh of the month. I would have done this yesterday (so as to be on time for the first of these festivals), but family circumstances did not permit that. The festivals and sacrifices we discuss today were largely celebrated in Athens and Erchia, but there are clues that at least one of these was a panhellenic event. These festivals and the dates they were celebrated on this month are:

3 - Plataia
4 - Sacrifice to Basile in Erchia
5 - Genesia
5 - Sacrifice to Epops at Erchia
6 - Kharisteria
7 - Boedromia

Plataia - The Plataia (or Plataea) seems to have been a commemorative festival, for the Hellenes fallen at the battle of Plataea. The Battle of Plataea was the final land battle during the second Persian invasion of Hellas. It took place in 479 BC near the city of Plataea in Boeotia, and was fought between an alliance of the Greek city-states, including Sparta, Athens, Corinth and Megara, and the Persian Empire of Xerxes I. Some 38,700 Hellenes stood their ground against 300.000 Persians. The Hellenes marched out of the Peloponnesus and the Persians retreated to Boeotia and built a fortified camp near Plataea. The Hellenes surrounded the camp, but refused to enter the bare terrain surrounding the camp. They waited for eleven days, and then found their supplies driddled. They attempted to retreat, and Persian general Mardonius ordered his forces to pursue them. The Hellenes, however--particularly the Spartans, Tegeans and Athenians--stood their ground, and won a great victory over the Perians. The Persian infantry was slaughtered, and Mardonius killed. Plutarch gives the date for the battle to be the fourth of this month, but also attested that the Athenians commemorated the event on the third. In Boeotia (and especially in Plataea), the rememberance seems to have been held on the fourth.

Herodotus, in his Histories (9. 52. 1), and Plutarch, in his 'Life of Arestides' both remark the following about what is most likely this battle:

"The seer slew victim after victim, Pausanias turned his face [historical general of the Persian Wars], all tears, toward the Heraion, and with hands uplifted prayed Kithaironion Hera and the other gods of the Plataian land that, if it was not the lot of the Hellenes to be victorious, they might at least do great deeds before they fell."[Life of Aristides, 18. 1]

As such we can assume that, besides the fallen, a sacrifice to Hera was also made.

Sacrifice to Basile in Erchia - In the calendar from Erchia the heroine Basile was given a holókaustos on the 4th of the month of Boedromion. The sacrifice to Basile consisted of a white, female, lamb and was followed by a wineless libation. The colour of the animal is noteworthy, since holókaustoi have commonly been classified as khthonian sacrifices, and it is usually assumed that the victims used in such rituals were black. Basile was also worshipped elsewhere in Attica, but nothing is known of the kind of sacrifices she received at those locations. Basile seems to have been a local heroine. Nothing survives about her deeds, as far as I have been able to find, but she was important enough to warrant her own personal sacrifice--the Erchian calendar also makes note of collective sacrifices to 'the heroines'.

Genesia - The Genesia seems to have been a festival of the dead--especially of dead parents. It was celebrated on the fifth of the month of Boudromion in Athens, but that is all we know for sure. There is reason to believe that the Genesia was panhellenic--although we do not know if all city-states performed the rites on the same day. We are also unsure if the Genesia was a set day for all children to visit their parents' grave and perform sacrifices there, or if there was a public commemoration of all parents. The day is also sacred to Gaea, who housed the remains of the dead, and brought fertility and wealth to the living.

Sacrifice to Epops at Erchia - In the calendar from Erchia, the hero Epops received two holókaustoi on the fifth of Boedromion. The victims of the two holókaustoi to Epops were piglets and the sacrifices were to be followed by wineless libations designated. Sacrifices to Epops are known only from the Erchia calendar. The mythological context of Epops is not clear, but he was a hero, perhaps linked (by Kallimachos) to the conflict between the city-states Paiania and Erchia.

Kharisteria - The Kharisteria takes place on the sixth of the month--a day sacred to Artemis. This festival is another commemoration of a battle, in this case, the battle of Marathon which took place in 490 BC. It was also a festival to pay off a debt to the Theoi. During the battle of Marathon, around 11,000 Hellenes stood their ground against a Persian force between 30.000 and 100.000 men. 203 Hellenes fell, opposite 6,400 Persians. That was quite a victory--especially if you consider that the Hellenes were the attacking side. The casualty numbers are known because the Hellenes set up a memorial for their fallen comrades. The Persian dead were counted for a very speciffic reason: the Hellenes had promised to the Theoi a sacrifice of one goat for ever Persian killed. In the end, they discovered they'd killed so many Persians that they couldn't find enough goats. A payment plan of sorts was divised, and over the course of thirteen years, roughly 500 goats per year were sacrificed, a practice that was still performed in Plutarch’s day. Plutarch also confirms that the sacrifice took place at Artemis Agrotera’s sanctuary at Agrai.

Boedromia - The festival that gives its name to the month. It might have been sacred to Apollon, and was thus most likely held on His sacred day--the seventh of the month. The Boedromia might have been another war commemoration. The epithet of Apollon associated with this festival is 'Boedromios', the helper in distress. The origin of the epithet and festival are explained in different ways. According to Plutarch, the name was awarded to Him (and the festival created) because he had assisted the Athenians in the war with the Amazons, who were defeated on the seventh of Boedromion, the day on which the Boedromia were afterwards celebrated. According to others, the name was awarded after the war of Erechtheus and Ion against Eumolpus, because Apollon had advised the Athenians to rush upon the enemy with a war-shout (Boê), if they wanted to win--and they did.

All these sacrifices have a khthonic character--to me, this is not odd, considering the Mysteries would be held only a few days afterwards. It was a time where death and the afterlife were on the mind, and where the dead were honored--because the Mysteries most likely also included appeasement and remembrances of the dead. Also remember the Niketeria, which was celebrated in the beginning of the month as well, and commemorated another battle.

To a modern Hellenist, none of these events--except perhaps the Genesia--relate to our life. These battles were not exactly in our lifetime, nor our country. Still, it is good to honor the dead, and take a moment to remember that the world would have been a very different place if the Persians had been victorious. Would it have been a worse place? That sort of value judgement is best reserved for the philosophers and historians. I am neither. I will give sacrifice to the dead, and to the heroes and heroines, and I will be thankful that my parents are still alive and I do not have reason to celebrate the Genesia. I will, however, mark the day with a sacrifice for the ancestors, in remembrance of a family line I am not exactly proud of, but am grateful for--because without them, I would not have been here.

• Tuesday, September 10, 2013
  ancient Hellenic culture Apollon Apollon Boedromion Artemis Artemis Agotera Basile Boedromia Epops Erkhia festivals Gaea Genesia Hera Heroes holókaustos Kharisteria Pausanias Plataia Plutarch Temples

Sacrifice to Zeus Epoptes

Hellenic Reconstruction is sometimes jokingly referred to as 'Athenian Reconstruction', as so much of our information about ancient Hellas was preserved in the city of Athens. As soon as you set foot outside the city of Athens, only a few 'hot spots' provide any information about ancient Hellenic life, and in between the hotspots, there is no information at all. The annual sacrifice at Erchia to Zeus Epoptes (Εποπτες) is a perfect example of this: Erchia is located in the Attic deme, but very little about their practices remains. Of the sacrifice to Zeus Epoptes, we only know that it happened, on the 25th of Metageitnion.

From the calendar we have recovered from Erchia, we know that the sacrifice to Zeus Epoptes was a pig, burned completely in a holókaustos, without an offering of wine. It cost the Erchians three drachmas. As little information as that is, it is still quite telling. A holókaustos was almost solely offered to Underworld deities, or those who oversaw he darker aspects of life. Zeus Meilichios, for example, received His sacrifices as a holókaustos when sacrificed to in order to remove blood guilt. As such, we can tentatively conclude that a holókaustos was either given to Gods of the dead, in appropriation, or placation--or all of them.

Wineless libations were almost always given to Khthonic deities, or earth deities like the Nymphs, the Muses and the Erinyes, and always in a khoe--a complete outpour of the liquid(s). Like most offerings to the dead or Khthonic deities, the offering consisted of water, honey, and/or milk.

'Epoptes' (sometimes 'Epopteus') is often translated as 'overseer' or 'watcher'; 'to look down upon'. Among the ancient Hellenes, the title of 'epoptes' was used of those who had attained the third grade of initiation, the highest, of the Eleusinian Mysteries; a religious cult at Eleusis, with its worship, rites, festival and pilgrimages open to all Hellenes willing to undergo initiation. The epopteia were--appropriately--charged with overseeing the proceedings at Eleusis, but seemingly received the name mostly because they had beheld the full mysteries of the Mysteries.

This is all information we have, but all we are sure of regarding the sacrifice itself is that a whole pig was sacrificed on a hill. That said, I would like to propose a theory, and I do not have more evidence than what I have just put forth and my gut instinct. This isn't even UPG. Thus, feel free to ignore the next bit. Personally, I feel that the myth of Persephone's abduction and its ties to the agricultural season were widely known and not only celebrated in ancient Eleusis--or, better said, that the rites of the Mysteries connected to the rites in other locations of (especially) Attica. While there is never a sacrifice to Persephone in Erchia, there is one to Demeter, on the 12th of this month at the Eleusinion on the Acropolis. This sacrifice is recorded on the sacrificial calendar of Erchia and consists of a white, female, sheep worth 10 drachmas and a libation of wine--shared with the sacrifices.

The Hellenic agricultural season would lead one to assume Persephone returned to the surface world around the time of the Greater Mysteries, celebrated from the 13th to the 23th of the next month. To me, it seems logical that the scorching summer season was regarded as the season of drought and infertility in the myth. If the Greater Mysteries did, in fact, celebrate the return of Persephone, we can, perhaps, say that the sacrifice to Demeter a month prior was in remembrance of the pleas of the human race for Demeter to return to Her duties; after all, by that time (around the beginning of August), the world would be plenty dry and hot already. It would be an Ouranic sacrifice as Demeter was unaware of Her daughter's connection to the Underworld, and all humans knew was that their usually fertile season was suddenly gone.

We know that, in the myth, Demeter pleaded with Zeus--Persephone's father--to bring Her daughter back to the surface world. The sacrifice to Zeus Epoptes is located almost squarely between the sacrifice to Demeter and the Greater Mysteries, and my theory is that this sacrifice to Zeus Epoptes was to honor and placate Zeus the Overseer--both as a watcher and ruler--for brokering the deal with Hades, and to ensure He would have Hades keep up His end of the deal year after year. This sacrifice would have to be Khthonic, as Zeus would have to 'look down upon' the Underworld and learn what was happening with His daughter. Epoptes could then have been an Underworld epithet of Zeus.

As said, I have no evidence, and there are a lot of 'if's' in this story. Still, to me this makes sense. Whatever the case, this sacrifice can be honored with a pancarpia of (dark) fruits, sacrificed wholly to Zeus Epoptes. There are various hymns to Zeus which are relatively 'neutral' in regards to Zeus' epithets, so one of those can be recited. If you think this theory holds water, you could quote from the Homeric Hymn to Demeter about the part of Zeus brokering the deal to release Persephone. I would love to hear feedback on this theory and to hear yours. In the mean time, I wish you a pleasant sacrifice.

• Sunday, September 1, 2013
  ancient Hellenic culture Demeter Eleusinian mysteries Hades holókaustos Persephone Zeus Zeus Epoptes Zeus Meilichios

Hera 'Thelkhinia'

On the 20th of Metageitnon, the Attic demos of Erchia held a small sacrifice to Hera. The epithet described in the surviving material is listed as 'Thelkhinia' (Oελχινια), but it is the only mention made of that epithet anywhere--it also doesn't mean anything in the ancient Greek tongue. Most likely is that there was a spelling error, and the 'h' needs to be removed, leaving the more commonly used epithet 'Telkhinia' (Τελχινια). If this is the case, the epithet most likely refers to a place title: 'Of Telkhinia', located in Cyprus. Pausanias describes this epithet (and a temple to this epithet) for Athena in Boiotia. The description is from his 'Description of Greece':

"In Teumessos [in Boiotia] there is also a sanctuary of Athena Telkhinia, which contains no image. As to her surname, we may hazard the conjecture that a division of the Telkhinians who once dwelt in Kypros came to Boiotia and established a sanctuary of Athena Telkhinia (of Telkhinia)." [9. 19. 1]

Diodorus Siculus, in his 'Library of History', however, gives an extended account of the cult title--in this case it does not refer solely to Telkhinia, but to four mysterious magician-smiths and/or sea daimones native to the islands of Keos and Rhodes. There are others who describe these smiths as well, and they all describe them as excellently skilled, but that is where the similarities end. To some ancient writers, they are cultivators of the soil and ministers of the God, to others, sorcerers and envious daimones, and to others again, skilled artisans. Diodoros subscribes to the latter theory, and he makes mention of Hera Telkhinia:

"The island which is called Rhodes was first inhabited by the people who were known as Telkhines (Telchines); these were children of Thalatta (the Sea), as the mythic tradition tells us, and the myth relates that they, together with Kapheira (Capheira), the daughter of Okeanos (Oceanus), nurtured Poseidon, whom Rhea had committed as a babe to their care. And we are told that they were the discoverers of certain arts and that they introduced other things which are useful for the life of mankind. They were also the first, men say, to fashion statues of the gods, and some of the ancient images of gods have been named after them; so, for example, among the Lindians there is an ‘Apollon Telkhinios’, as it is called, among the Ialysians a Hera and Nymphai (Nymphs), both called ‘Telkhinian’ and among the Kameirans a ‘Hera Telkhinia’. And men say that the Telkhines were also wizards and could summon clouds and rain and hail at their will and likewise could even bring snow; these things, the accounts tell us, they could do even as could the Magi of Persia; and they could also change their natural shapes and were jealous of teaching their arts to others. Poseidon, the myth continues, when he had grown to manhood, became enamoured of Halia (Brine), the sister of the Telkhines, and lying with her he begat six male children and one daughter, called Rhodos, after whom the island was named. [...] At a later time, the myth continues, the Telkhines, perceiving in advance the flood that was going to come [Deukalion's flood], forsook the island and were scattered. Of their number Lykos (Lycus) went to Lykia (Lycia) and dedicated there beside the Xanthos River a temple of Apollon Lykios (Lycius). And when the flood came the rest of the inhabitants perished,--and since the waters, because of the abundant rains, overflowed the island." [5. 55. 1]

All we know for sure is that at Erchia, the sacrifice was of an all-black, female, lamb that cost seven drachmas. The sacrifice was not a holókaustos, so the festival goers would have shared in the little meat the animal possessed. the cut for the Gods was not to be removed from the altar. Female victims were reserved for female Gods; all-black victims usually to khthonic deities. If that was the case, the belief could have been that thy were appeasing envious daimones rather than artisans. In this much later (5th century A.D.) account by Nonnus, in his 'Dionysiaca', the Telkhines are described as such:

"[When Rheia summoned gods to join Dionysos in his war against the Indians:] The spiteful Telkhines (Telchines) also came also to the Indian War, gathering out of the cavernous deeps of the sea. Lykos (Lycus) came, shaking with his long arm a very long spear; Skelmis (Scelmis) came, following Damnameneus, guiding the seachariot of his father Poseidon. These were wanderers who had left Tlepolemos's land [Rhodes] and taken to the sea, furious Daimones of the waters, who long ago had been cut off from their father's land [of Rhodes] by Thrinax with Makareus (Macareus) and glorious Auges sons of Helios (the Sun); driven from their nursing-mother they took up the water of Styx with their spiteful hands, and made barren the soil of fruitful Rhodes, by drenching the fields with water of Tartaros." [14. 36]

There is no mention of a daylight or nighttime sacrifice, but due to the lack of a holókaustos, I assume it would have been a daytime offering. The records make no note of a wineless sacrifice, so wine was most likely involved. There is much unknown about tomorrow's sacrifice, but perhaps this will give you an idea, regardless, to whom you are sacrificing.

• Monday, August 26, 2013
  Athena Erkhia festivals Hera Hera Telkhinia Hera Thelkhinia holókaustos Mythology 101 Nonnus Pausanias

PBP: Bômos and bothros; the ritual altars of the ancient Hellenes

An altar is one of those basic necessities within Hellenismos, and it differs from a shrine. Where an altar is a 'work space', dedicated not so much to a specific deity, but used to do the bulk of the (daily) rituals, a shrine is a devotional area where an altar might be located. In ancient Hellas, the shrine was usually a temple, the altar an actual altar, standing outside of it. Household worship took place at a multitude of shrines.

Labeling something a shrine, does not mean you can't sacrifice at these spots in your home; every Hene Kai Nea and Noumenia, I offer libations of mixed wine and incense at my shrine to Apollon, Hermes and Hekate, every Noumenia, I offer mixed wine and incense to Zeus Kthesios at His shrine in my kitchen, and ever Agathós Daímōn, I make a libation of unmixed wine at His shrine. As explained previously, I don't have an outdoor altar; I have one indoors, and it also houses my continual flame to Hestia. It's at this shrine I do the bulk of my worship--it's my hearth. It has my offering bowl, and is very deity-neutral, just to make sure everyone I give sacrifice to might feel at home at it. It's located in my bedroom shrine--the actual space, decorated and kept clean for the Theoi.

My altar is not the altar the ancient Hellenes would have used. For one, it's not outside--something I'm grateful for as it's snowing outside at the moment--and for another, it's not made of stone. I don't make a fire on top of it--a good thing, seeing as it's made of wood--but have to use a bowl to do so. In ancient Hellas, an altar was called a 'bômos' (βωμός)--properly signifying any elevation--with an 'epipuron' (ἐπίπυρον)--a movable pan or brazier--used on top of the bômos so it could serve as an altar for burnt-offerings. The household hearth was used to make sacrifices as well, and thus served as an altar of sorts. It was named after the Theia of the home and hearth: 'hestía' (ἑστία). Some state-owned altars--especially when they were simply large fires--were named 'hestía' as well.

These altars were used for sacrifices to the Ouranic Theoi, but were rarely--if ever--used for sacrifices for the Khthonic Theoi. An 'eschára' (ἐσχάρα) is the term for a low-lying altar used in burnt-offerings for heroes, demi-Gods and (nature) spirits. It was sometimes located under the bômos, and was sometimes used for sacrifices for the Khthonic Theoi. For Khthonic Theoi, an offering pit--'bothros' (βόθρος) in Greek texts--also sufficed. The term 'eschára' is sometimes used to indicate the corresponding projection at the top of a bômos that held its own fire--so where no epipuron was used. Becasue of this, the term 'eschára' is controversial but still correct in relation to the previous.

Lets look at these altars in a bit more detail; first the bômos.

In ancient Hellas, and always in sudden emergencies, altars were made of earth, turf, or stones collected on the spot. In the Archaic and Classical periods (600–323 BC) most altars were made of stone, either monoliths or built of cut blocks, thus was usually the case for stationary altars built at temples. The sides were sometimes decorated--and if they were decorated, the decoration was usually pretty impressive--but the altars were usually plain, apart from an inscription naming the deity the altar was dedicated to.

Most bômoi were isolated cubes, around one meter (three feet) high, but there were altars which were far larger. When I went to Germany, I visited the Pergamon museum and got to see the second century BC altar they house there for myself. Its foundation is approximately 36 by 34 meters (118 by 112 feet) at the base, more than 6 meters (20 feet) high, and decorated with an elaborate frieze, about 120 meters (394 feet) long, showing the Titanomancy. The upper area, accessed by a wide staircase, was framed by a colonnade and here the actual sacrificial installation was placed. Needless to say, this type of huge altar was most often exception than rule.

The sacrificial altars were either square or round, sometimes with an indentation on the top for a fire, or sometimes with a hole, leading down to an eschára. An altar for libations or blood sacrifice could have a drain for the liquid. The indentation--or even the hole--could be used to steady an epipuron. The materials used were often limestone or marble, stones not very resistant to heat, and thus, an epipuron was used to protect the bômos below. Even with that, the sacrifices would render the altars black from soot on the top and spotted by the blood on the front, and from time to time they had to be touched up with stucco or lime.

The epipuron was usually a brazier, often with either one or three feet, and made of precious metals which could withstand the heat of a fire or the coals used to burn incense. In household worship, epipuron seem to have been used as altars, without the bômos to put it on. This meant that these portable altars made of metal, stone, or terracotta were used in household worship instead of, or in conjunction with, the hearth of a house; hestía. Whether these domestic altars were used for full-scale animal sacrifice is uncertain and the offerings made here were probably cakes (especially at Noumenia), incense, libations, and perhaps cooked food. In houses where there was no fireplace, an epipuron could serve as a heat source.

The altars themselves were used to burn the meat from animal sacrifices, incense, or bloodless offerings like cakes, fruits and breads. Pieces of meat were sometimes placed on top of a fireless altar as a gift for the Theoi, and were taken by the priests or priestesses later that day for their own consumption or to burry. On some altars, blood sacrifice was forbidden; the bômos of Apollon Genetôr ( 'the Begetter') at Delos, for example. In all cases, the sacredness of the altar was fundamental. Anyone seeking refuge at an altar was promised protection of the Theos that altar and shrine were dedicated to. To take a fugitive from the altar by force was sure to cause the wrath of the Theoi on those who took him or her. Killing a person near an altar caused severe miasma and would lead to purification rites. Most likely, the altar would be out of commission for a period of time.

As said, altars were located in front of the temple, not inside it. If a temple did have an indoor altar, it was almost always used for bloodless sacrifices. The bômos almost always faced east, in front of the temple. If a temple was replaced by another, the altar usually remained in place. In some cases, this led to a misalignment of temple and altar. The altar of Athena Polias and the Erechtheum on the Athenian Acropolis is a great example of this. It was doubtful this was seen as a huge problem, though.

Bothroi--offering pits--were usually dug when the occasion called for it, and closed up afterwards. It seems that in some instances an epipuron was also an acceptable altar for the Khthonic Theoi. As written previously, the Khthonic Theoi received special nighttime offerings of black animals, unmixed wine and special libations of milk and honey. Animal sacrifice was always done in a holókaustos--a sacrifice where the entire animal was burned and none of the meat was saved for human consumptions. It makes sense this type of sacrifice was done in an enclosed space; the temperature would have gotten high enough to burn most (if not all) of the animal.

Another term for a Hellenic altar one might find is 'thusiastérion' (θυσιαστήριον). It is used mostly in context to later, Christian, texts where the thusiastérion described illicit pagan altars to the Theoi, as offset by the 'proper' altars to God. Needless to say, I won't be using it much, simply because the ancient Hellenes did not.

The above list is non-exhaustive, but gives a decent overview of the terms and types of altars used by the ancient Hellenes. There was, of course, variation in actual practice, and a good few altars broke this mold. For modern Hellenists, it's a good starting point for the construction of an (outdoor) bômos.

• Friday, January 18, 2013
  Agathós Daímōn ancient Hellenic culture Apollon Athens Hekate Hekate's Deipnon Hellenismos 101 Hermes Hestia holókaustos household worship Khthonic Ouranic Pagan Blog Project Shrine Zeus Kthesios

Deipnon, Noumenia and Agathós Daímōn; monthly festivals

One of the most important and confusing of the many Hellenic festivals is the three-day transition from month to month. Although unlinked, the Deipnon, the Noumenia and Agathós Daímōn are held on consecutive days, around the new moon. Especially the placement of the days is hard to get right; at least, it was for me.

The Deipnon (Hene kai Nea)--or Hekate's Deipnon--is celebrated any time before the first sliver of the new moon is visible. In practice, this is the day after the new moon. The Noumenia is held the day after that, when the moon has become visible again, and Agathós Daímōn the day after that. It is important to note that the ancient Hellens started a new day at sundown the day before. Instead of starting a new day at midnight--or in the morning--like we do today, they started it at sundown of the previous day. This means that--when applied to modern practice--the Deipnon starts on the day of the suspected new moon, and the rest follows after, to the total of four days. Confused yet? How about a schematic. In this example, we'll assume that the sun goes down at six P.M. on all days.

Day 1: 
All day - (suspected) new moon
6 P.M. - start of the Deipnon (Deipnon night)

Day 2:
All day - day after the new moon
6 P.M. day 1 to 6 P.M. day 2 - Deipnon (Deipnon day)
6 P.M. - start of the Noumenia (Noumenia night)

Day 3:
All day - second day after the new moon
6 P.M. day 2 to 6 P.M. day 3 - Noumenia (Noumenia day)
6 P.M. - start of  Agathós Daímōn (Agathós Daímōn night)

Day 4:
All day - third day after the new moon
6 P.M. day 3 to 6 P.M. day 4 - Agathós Daímōn (Agathós Daímōn day)

This difference in perception is especially prudent when you--like I--feel the need to celebrate the ritualistic part of the Deipnon and Noumenia at night. It means that I can't hold my night time celebration of the Deipnon on the day of the Deipnon (day 2 in the schematic), but need to do it the day before the day of the Deipnon (so on day one, after 6 P.M. in the schematic).

Hekate’s Deipnon is the traditional time to end the old month and prepare for the new one. In ancient Hellas, the Deipnon was celebrated with a Supper for the Titan Hekate--made up of leek, egg, cakes, fish, unions and garlic--and set out at the outside shrine to Hekate, and then placed at a crossroads as an offering to Her--Hekate Trioditis, Goddess of Crossroads--and the vengeful spirits who were in her following. In addition to placation, the Deipnon is also a time of purification; in ancient times, a dog was taken in, touched by all members of the oikos so any lingering miasma was transfered to the dog. The dog was then sacrificed in a holókaustos. This was most likely not a monthly thing, but only performed when the household was troubled. As Hekate's sacred animal is a dog, the sacrifice also served to regain, or keep, Hekate's favor upon the household. The house was also thoroughly cleaned so the new month could start fresh the day after. Debts were repaid on this day.

Of course, I'm not going to sacrifice a dog. For one, it is against the law to do so, and my girlfriend would leave me the second I tried. She still won't watch Beethoven because--apparently--the dog gets mistreated somewhere along the way. Anyway... my Deipnon celebration is as follows: at sundown (as per a wonderful Google Calendar), I gather the Supper and place it at the shrine to Hekate with Her Hymn (Orphic Hymn 1 (or 0)). I then go about collecting the remnants of sacrifices I have made in the month past--most of which I have already collected in an urn under my main shrine at the start of every new day--from my various shrines. Then, I set the bowl on the ground in front of my main shrine, throw barley into it, purify myself with khernips and add ethanol to the offering. While reciting the Orphic hymn to Hekate, I place a previously fabricated wax dog figurine onto the pile of left-over offerings, and light the sacrifice with fire from Hestia's candle. I then take the offering outside where I leave it to burn itself out. The dog will have melted away--taking the impurity of the household with it--and I let the offerings cool down before collecting them in a jar.

With the last daylight, I take the burned offerings, the Supper, wine, a banana-leaf plate (because it degrades very easily, a requirement because you don't get to take the plate home), and a special sacrifice (usually incense or lavender) to the 'crossroads' outside my house, where the garden meets with the street. I recite Hekate's hymn again, and add prayers to take the old, the shame-filled, the impure out of the home, as I have taken these offerings out of the home. Then I pour a hansom libation of undiluted wine on the ground near my offering and turn around, walk away, and do not--I repeat, do not--look back, as it is said we will take the impurity--as well as a slew of vengeful spirits--back home if we do. I make sure to be inside before dark, and try not to go out again if I can help it.

Once home, I empty my kathiskos, and clean my ritual tools and shrines. The next day is all about cleaning. I do laundry, dishes, vacuuming, mopping, etc. I also pay any bills left unpaid, as well as get all those odd jobs and chores done I've been avoiding this month. I try to get one major cleaning or sorting project done on the Deipnon; clean the oven, the cupboards, etc. I offer a hymn (Orphic Hymn 8 or Homeric Hymn 32), something sweet like cakes and/or honey and libations to Selene after dark, because--in the cycle--this is the only night of the Noumenia and I feel Selene, the personification of the moon, is best worshipped at night, especially because we celebrate the first sliver of the new moon.

The next day (day 3, Noumenia day), in the morning, I offer the same type of sacrifice to Apollon Noumenios (Orphic Hymn 33, (parts of) Homeric Hymn 3, or Homeric Hymn 21), Hestia (Orphic Hymn 83, Homeric Hymn 24, or Homeric Hymn 29) and Hermes (Orphic Hymn 27, (parts of) Homeric Hymn 4, or Homeric Hymn 18). I also refill my kathiskos and offer a hymn (I tend to choose Orphic Hymn 14) to Zeus Kthesios, as well as incense. The goal of the Noumenia is to start fresh, and to honor the household deities. It is a day of family, family meals, and the celebration of the new month. Part of that celebration can be to prepare for the new month by planning out important events--religious or secular--and writing them down, preferably with the whole family present.

Either that night after sunset, or the day after, day four (Agathós Daímōn day), I offer incense, libations of unmixed wine and a hymn (I am partial to Orphic Hymn 72) to the Agathós Daímōn, the serpent household spirit, who brings good fortune, honor and wealth to the oikos, and ask it to watch over my family, keep honor in our family line and to let our family name be forever remembered through their deeds, and mine. I may also read out the list of events and goals for the new month to the spirit, so they may help me with it. After that, I'm ready for a new month.

This is how I perform these very important festivals. Others do it differently, I'm sure. A modern invention is to give either food or money to a charity, or a food bank on the Deipnon. This practice is based on a quote from Aristophanes' comic play, 'Plutus'. In a debate between Poverty and the character Chremylus, Chremylus says:

"Ask Hekate whether it is better to be rich or starving; she will tell you that the rich send her a meal every month and that the poor make it disappear before it is even served."

It's not the most... clear of statements. Some take it to mean that Hekate is fine with the poor eating Her offering, others assume those who took Her Supper were hungry enough to brave even the dread Goddess Hekate and Her spirit entourage. I'm partial to the latter, so I do not donate food or money to charity on the Deipnon. There are a lot of other days to do that on which will not potentially piss off Hekate.

All in all, the Deipnon is probably my favorite Hellenistic holiday. I love the sense of closure it brings, and the way I get things done I would otherwise avoid indefinitely. I can be very good at putting my head in the sand some days. My respect for Hekate most certainly blows that out of the window when the Deipnon comes around. How do you celebrate the ending of the old month and the transition into the new one?

• Sunday, November 18, 2012
  Agathós Daímōn Apollon festivals Hekate Hekate's Deipnon Hermes Hestia holókaustos Homeric Hymns Kathiskos moon Noumenia Orphic Hymns Selene Zeus Kthesios

PBP: Wine in ancient Hellas and Hellenic ritual

Ancient Hellas is one of the oldest and most important wine-producing civilizations, with evidence of production dating back 6,500 years. Because of the climate, soil and the native vine stocks of the Hellenic islands, ancient Hellenic wine was of great quality. It was a major trade good throughout Europe, and was grown throughout the Hellenic nation--in what is now modern day Italy, Iberia, Sicily, and the south of France. People as far away as modern-day Austria and Russia, as well as many other ancient societies--like the Etruscans, the Phoenicians, the Celts, the Scythians and the Romans--were influenced to some extent by the ancient Hellenic wine making business and culture.

Ancient Hellenic wine was sweet and aromatic. One form--called Retsina--includes pine resin and has a very special, although acquired, taste. In ancient Hellas, the resin was only added to the wine because the lid of the amphorae were sealed with it, but modern Retsina has the resin added to it directly. The range of ancient Hellenic wine was broad; from inky black to dark red, red, light red, or white. It was never drunk undiluted; the ancient Hellens considered the drinking of undiluted wine to be barbaric.

Drinking was usually done by men at a symposion (συμπόσιον). A symposiarch (συμποσίαρχος), a wine-mixer, was put in charge of mixing the wine. He made sure to keep an eye on the intoxication levels of those attending and adjusted the mix accordingly. Mixing was done in a krater (κρατήρ). The name comes from the word 'kerannmi': 'to mix'. Sources state that the best mix--depending on the wine, of course--was one part wine to about three or four parts water, but a dilution of 1/20 appears in the writings of Hómēros. In the wintertime, wine was diluted with pristine snow for a cleaner taste.

The art of winemaking was not perfected in ancient Hellenic times. The quality of the wine was variable; there were wines which stayed fresh for at least a decade, but a lot of wines turned moldy very fast. Most of the wines lasted around a year. Because the wines were drunk soon after they were made, most wines gave the drinker a pretty severe headache in the morning. This was another reason the wine was diluted.

As drinking water was often stagnant, wine was also used to purify it, and mask the taste. All men, women and children drank water which had some wine added to it. Wine was believed to be a healer--and it is--so everyone drank it, sometimes more when they were sick.

Wine was rarely drunk during dinner, but only after. Drunkenness was frowned upon, and three small kylix' of diluted wine was often all that was allowed for a grown man. In general, that is less undiluted wine than a single standard wineglass of modern time. Around 375 BC, the Hellenic comic poet Eubulus’, in his play 'Semele or Dionysos', made Dionysos state:

"Three bowlfuls only for the wise I measure,

The first to Health, second to Love and Pleasure,

Third Sleep--this those believed to know what's what

Go home to bed after; the fourth is not

Our own but outrage's, the fifth uproar's,

The sixth is mixed for serenading whores,

The seventh for two black eyes, eigth for a writh,

Ninth for the blues, tenth for a raving-fit

So bad you're outlawed. Thus one little cup

Too often filled can trip the drinker up."

The etiquette of the symposium required that when the first krater of wine was served, a libation was made to Zeus (or the Agathós Daímōn) and the Olympian gods. Heroes received a libation from the second krater served, and Zeus Teleios--the Finisher--(or Hermes) from the third, which was supposed to be the last. Plato, in his 'Symposium', addresses the proper place of wine in relation to the worship of the Theoi:

"Socrates took his place on the couch, and supped with the rest; and then libations were offered, and after a hymn had been sung to the god, and there had been the usual ceremonies, they were about to commence drinking."

As a Hellenist, I tend to ponder the details. It's clear that these types of regular household libations were done with mixed wine. In the Odysseia, Echeneus states:

"Come, Alcinous, it is not right and proper that a stranger should sit there in the ashes of the hearth, while we all hold back awaiting your lead. Raise the stranger to his feet, and seat him on a silver-embossed chair, and let the heralds mix the wine, so that we may pour libations to Zeus as well, who hurls the lightning and follows the footsteps of holy suppliants."

Yet, what about the more formal rituals? In 'A Companion to Archaic Greece' by Kurt A. Raaflaub and Hans van Wees, it is mentioned that unmixed wine is reserved for the Theoi, yet A. Henrichs states (p. 47):

"...Greeks shaped a 'negative' (part of a) ritual by a reversal of normal practices. Other means would be the absence of wreaths; libations of unmixed wine, water or oil instead of mixed wine; or the dark colour and/or holocaust of the sacrificial victim instead of a sacrifice ending in a banquet."

This seems to indicate that rituals and sacrifices to the Ouranic deities and/or positive occasions were performed with mixed wine, while Khthonic deities and/or negative occasions were performed with unmixed wine. This view is supported by Hómēros who writes Circe advising Odysseus how to perform a libation to the dead:

"Draw near then, as I bid you, hero, and dig a trench two feet square, then pour a libation all around to the dead, first of milk and honey, then of sweet wine, thirdly of water, sprinkled with white barley meal. "

When Odysseus does as he is told, nowhere is it mentioned that the wine is mixed. It is simply offered up as sacrifice, straight out of the jug. It makes sense that a khoe should be unmixed; same as with a holókaustos, all of the sacrifice--in its purest form--should be offered. Taking Henrichs' theory about reversed rituals--something also discussed in Harrison's 'Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion'--it would then seem that libations within Ouranic festivals were performed with mixed wine.

One can not write about wine in ancient Hellas and not mention the Theos of Wine Himself: Dionysos. Throughout the year, four major festivals are dedicated to Him, and one in particular was full of wine. The Anthesteria was held annually for three days, the eleventh to thirteenth of the month of Anthesterion. The festival centered around the celebration of the maturing of the wine stored at the previous vintage, whose pithoi were now ceremoniously opened, and the beginning of spring. The three days of the feast were called Pithoigia (after πίθοι 'storage jars'), Choes (χοαί 'libations') and Chytroi (χύτροι 'pots').

On the first day, the pithoi were brought to the city and opened in the temple of Dionysos. On the second day, all temples were closed, except that of Dionysos. Social order broke down on this day--as slaves were permitted to celebrate alongside everyone else--and there was a drinking contest in the afternoon where three liters of wine were drunk in complete silence. Whomever finished first, won. On day three, everyone joined in a procession to the temple of Dionysos, where the festival ended with the wicker burning of a huge phallus. The slaves were also told to go home, as 'the Anthesteria had ended'.

All in all, wine was a social, religious, and economic highlight of Hellenic society. I'm not a big wine drinker, as it's usually too strong for me, and I don't drink alcohol outside of ritual anyway. Yet, I have tried diluted wine, and the more watered down it is, the more I like it. I get why the ancient Hellens were looking forward to their symposions so much; wine, women and good music. What was not to like?


Image source: kylix

• Friday, November 16, 2012
  Agathós Daímōn ancient Hellenic culture Anthesteria Circe Dionysos Eubulus festivals holókaustos Hómēros khoe Khthonic Mythology 101 Odysseia Odysseus Ouranic Pagan Blog Project Plato